regional economic growth. Without such powers Canada’s federal government would be unable to contribute to many of the central objectives of federalism, including the reduction of regional disparity.
We believe that the Government of Canada must have the power to redistribute income, between persons and between provinces, if it is to equalize opportunity across the country. This would involve, as it does now, the rights to make payments to individuals, for the purpose of supporting their income levels — old age security pensions, unemployment insurance, family allowances — and the right to make payments to provinces, for the purpose of equalizing the level of provincial government services. It must involve, too, the powers of taxation which would enable the federal government to tax those best able to contribute to these equalization measures. Only in this way can the national government contribute to the equalization of opportunity in Canada, and thus supplement and support provincial measures to this end.
The Government of Canada believes it must be able to speak for Canada, internationally, and that it must be able to act for Canada in strengthening the bonds of nationhood. We have said what we think this implies in international matters. Internally it seems to us to imply an active federal role in the cultural and technological developments which so characterize the 20th century. We acknowledge, of course, that the nourishment of Canada’s cultural diversity requires imaginative provincial programmes, as well as federal ones. But there is a role for the Government of Canada, too; indeed cultural and technological developments across the country are as essential to nationhood today as tariffs and railways were one hundred years ago.
These are central areas of responsibility essential to the apparatus of the modern sovereign state—economic policy, the equalization of opportunity, technological and cultural development, and international affairs. There arc among these, of course, areas of responsibility which are shared with the provinces—including cultural matters, regional economic policy, and social security measures. However to catalogue these now, or federal powers generally, would be to depart from a statement of guiding principles and to anticipate the discussions of future conferences.
The third principle which would guide the Government of Canada in discussions concerning the division of powers is that most services involving the most immediate contact between the citizen and the government, and those which contribute most directly to the traditions and heritages which are uniquely provincial, should generally be provided by Canada’s provincial governments. Strong provincial governments, able to adapt public services to the particular needs of their people, are as essential to meet the
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“[I]nternally it seems to us to imply an active federal role in the cultural and technological developments which so characterize the 20th century.” Again, a power-grab on the cultural (ethnic) powers that belong to the Provinces. Am I right, is this not to facilitate multiculturalism and the “assistance” to imported foreigners that could only be consistently done through a single level of government? All while robbing the Provinces and the Founders of our rights.
“We acknowledge, of course, that the nourishment of Canada’s cultural diversity requires imaginative provincial programmes, as well as federal ones” — “nourishment”, an abuse of language similar to “richness” (La Forest, CBR 1979) and “enhance” (1982 coup Charter, s. 27). What they all really mean by “nourish,” “enrich” and “enhance” is massive increase of “diversity” to the detriment and demise of the Founding Peoples of Canada; by robbing us of our territory and our institutions and shoving foreigners into them to order us around while demanding that we “accommodate” them.