There is little point in becoming involved in arguments as to what was or was not intended in 1867, how far particular provisions were meant to go, or in all the other aspects of a dispute that tends to become academic. We — like those before us — should start with the facts of Canadian life as we find them, not with recriminations over what was intended or what should have been. There are two facts which cannot be denied by anyone who fairly considers the situation. One is that the people of French language and culture do not have the same opportunities as do those of the English language to live their lives, to raise their children or to realize their own potential and that of their offspring, in their own language in all parts of Canada. The second fact that seems equally clear is that we have not, in Canada, within the last hundred years considered seriously enough what we might do — through law and policy, and through individual endeavour — to make equality of economic and cultural opportunity as real and as meaningful for Canadians of French origin as it is for English-speaking Canadians. The consequences of not doing so now could be serious.
There are other problems in our federation, too. In spite of a development which has brought benefit to all, regional disparities in Canada remain substantial. The economic prospects of Canadians of certain regions remain more limited than those of people in other regions. If the Canada of the Second Century is to serve the legitimate aims and aspirations of its people, our objective must be to make equality of opportunity real and meaningful. Only through that sense of equality — equality in the opportunities open to all Canadians, whatever their language or cultural heritage, and wherever they may choose to live or move — can we give a purpose to Canada that will meet the proper expectations of our people. And only through measures that will carry this conviction — that we intend to make equality of opportunity an achievement as well as a goal — can we preserve the unity of the country.
Constitutions and the Facts of Life
It is the intention of the Government of Canada, with which it hopes the governments of the provinces will concur, that this Conference of February 1968 should mark the beginning of a process of constitutional review that will be both broad and deep. If we are to be sure that we have the best arrangements we can devise to order and to govern the relationships between Canadians in the Canada of the future we must be willing and concerned to examine all of the facets of our legal framework. The Government of Canada is ready to undertake such a total review.
In embarking on a constitutional re-assessment we must not, however, allow ourselves to make the mistake of assuming that a changed constitution is a form of magic that can be a substitute for change in attitude and action. Nor should we assume that we must await constitu-
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“There is little point in becoming involved in arguments as to what was or was not intended in 1867”.
How devious! Intent is the whole point of the Constitution, and moreover is not merely “academic” or open to dispute. Confederation is permanent. The record is clear. Intent was two-fold: deny all power to annex Canada to the USA; deny all power to secede, which would lead to dismantling and annexation. The purpose being the permanent unity of Canada and “permanency in the working of the Union of 1867”. Pearson has just thrown out the entire Constitution, in throwing out “intent”. This is no doubt because Mr. Pearson and his friends, the FLQ terrorists, are working for both these things: Communist dismantling of Canada and restructuring into international city-states in a North American region.
Real concern for French-Canadian ethnic needs requires the Union of 1867. Contempt for the French-Canadians, and for all of the Founding Peoples of Canada, is manifest in the mass immigration planned and now underway to convert Canada from the legal federalism of 1867 to a Communist ethnic mosaic of all the world’s races.
This is our country, British North America. It doesn’t belong to the planet, it belongs to its own Founding Peoples.
Pearson: “this Conference of February 1968 should mark the beginning of a process of constitutional review that will be both broad and deep”: There is no “broad and deep review” allowed by Confederation; the constitution rules, not the “facts” as alleged to be found. The Constitution must be maintained; and not replaced with some “new political entity” based on imaginary facts or contrived facts, contrived meaning using the unconstitutional dumping into Canada of the Ukrainians as a pretext to dump in boatloads more from the four corners of the Earth to disintegrate Confederation.